Monday, December 27, 2021

The Shroud man and Jesus were scourged #37: The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is Jesus' burial sheet!

Copyright © Stephen E. Jones[1]

This is part #37, "The Shroud man and Jesus were scourged," of my series, "The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is Jesus' burial sheet!" For more information about this series, see the "Main index #1" and "Other marks and images #26." See also "The Shroud of Turin: 3.3. The man on the Shroud and Jesus were scourged." Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Main index #1] [Previous: The Shroud man and Jesus were beaten #36] [Next: The Shroud man and Jesus were crowned with thorns #38]

  1. The Bible and the Shroud #33
    1. The Shroud man and Jesus were scourged #37

The man on the Shroud had been scourged with a Roman flagrum The Shroudman had been scourged with a Roman flagrum (see below)[2].

[Right (enlarge): Enhan-ced photograph of the Shroud[3], showing the man's bloodstains and wounds, including those from scourging with a Roman flagrum.]

Jesus was scourged with a Roman flagrum The Gospels record that Jesus was scourged (Mt 27:26; Mk 15:15; Lk 23:16; Jn 19:1)[4]. Matthew's and Mark's gospels (Mt 27:26 & Mk 15:15) the word translated "scourged" is Greek phragelloo[5], a Latin loan-word which means to be flogged with a Roman flagrum[6]. The gospels of Luke and John (Lk 23:16 & Jn 19:1) use the general terms "chastise" (paideuo) and "flog" (mastigoo), respectively[7].

Jesus received an especially severe scourging The Roman governor Pontius Pilate (r. c. AD 26–36), had originally intended that Jesus be scourged and then released (Lk 23:16)[8]. He had hoped that the Jewish religious leaders would regard the scourging of Jesus as sufficient punishment for their charge of blasphemy[9] and Pilate tried unsuccessfully to reason with them to let Jesus go (Jn 19:1-16)[10]. Seeing that he was gaining nothing and that a riot was beginning (Mt 27:24), Pilate, having already scourged (phragelloo) Jesus (Mt 27:26; Mk 15:15), delivered Him over to crucifixion (Mt :26; Mk 15:15; Lk 23:25; Jn 19:16)[11]. So Jesus unusually received both an extreme scourging[11] and then was crucified, which explains why He was unable to continue carrying His crossbeam (Mt 27:31-32; Mk 15:29-21; Lk 23:26; Jn 19:17)[12] and why He died after a comparatively short time on the cross (Mk 15:42-45)[15]. This unusual double punishment of an especially severe scourging and crucifixion was, as can be seen above, inflicted on the man in the Shroud[16].

The scourge wounds on the Shroud There are scourge wounds all over the Shroudman's body (see above), except for his head, arms and feet[17], which is consistent with him having been scourged with his arms tied above his head (see below)[18]. Each of the scourge wounds is shaped like a tiny dumbbell (see below)[19].

[Above (enlarge)[20]: Upper back of the man on the Shroud, showing the dumbbell shape of each scourge wound; their criss-cross pattern meaning there were probably two scourgers on either side[21] (see below); and the smudging of the scourge wounds over the shoulders consistent with the man having carried a cross-beam after his scourging (see below) - as Jesus did (Mt 27:26,32; Mk 15:15,21; Lk 23:16,26 & Jn 19:1,17).]

There was a Roman flagrum which matches the Shroud man's dumbbell-shaped scourge wounds (see below). It had a

[Right (enlarge)[22]: Roman flagrum reconstructed by Paul Vignon (1865-1943) from the Shroudman's scourge wounds[23]. A flagrum similar to this was later recovered from the Roman city of Herculaneum[24], which, with its neighbour Pompeii, was buried in the eruption of Mt Vesuvius in AD 79[25]. That flagrum was presumably excavated since 1939, as Vignon in his book of that year doesn't mention it. For the same reason, this type of flagrum, causing dumbbell-shaped scourge wounds, was unknown in the Middle Ages.]

short handle, three leather thongs and two lead balls (plumbatae) spaced near the end of each thong[26]. Some Shroudies make the unsubstantiated claim that, "the balls ...would dig into body of the victim and would subsequently rip out pieces of flesh ... resulting in substantial blood loss[27], when self-evidently the balls were designed to cause internal bleeding so that the intended crucifixion victim would not die prematurely from loss of blood[28].

How many scourge wounds? Shroud literature contains widely different numbers of scourge wounds on the Shroud (presumably counting each pair of dumbbell shaped-wounds as one), from a low of 60[29] to a high of 220[30] with between 100 and 120 in the middle: 100[31], 100-120[32], 120[33]. This leads to another common unsubstantiated claim by some Shroudies that, while the Jews were prohibited from administering more than 40 lashes (Dt 34:3)[34] and in practice they only administered 39 (2Cor 11:24)[35], Roman executioners were not bound by this law and were limited only by the need to keep the victims alive until they could be crucified[36]. But it was evidently Roman policy to respect deeply held Jewish religious beliefs. For example, according to ancient Roman custom the condemned had to carry his crossbeam naked through the streets of his city or town[37], but Jews were spared this final humiliation and were allowed to be clothed while carrying their crossbeam to their place of crucifixion (Mt 27:31,35; Mk 15:20,24; Lk 23:34; Jn 19:23)[38]. And the Roman governor Pontius Pilate (r. c. AD 26–36) complied with the Jewish leaders' request that the bodies of Jesus and the two other crucifixion victims not remain on their crosses on a sabbath (Jn 19:31)[39]. So it is likely that the number of scourge wounds the Shroudman received was 39 x 3 thongs = 117[40]. This is close to the most common estimate of 120 (see above).

How many scourgers? From the criss-crossed pattern of the

[Right (enlarge): "Reconstruction of the flagellation" (Ricci, 1976)[41]. Except that the Shroudman would not have been wearing a loincloth because, as can be seen in the National Geog-raphic photograph above, there are scourge marks on his buttocks[42].]

scourge wounds (see above), it is evident that there were two scourgers on either side and one was taller than the other[43].

Further features of the scourge wounds. These include:
• Under a microscope, each scourge wound has a slightly depressed centre and raised edges (see below)[44].

• Tiny scratches expected from a Roman flagrum which are only obviously visible under a microscope in ultraviolet light[45].

• Blood clot retraction serum halos (see below) some of which are only obviously visible under a microscope in ultraviolet[46] and others are only visible under a microscope in ultraviolet light[47].

[Above (enlarge)[48]: A blood clot under a microscope in white light (left) and ultraviolet light (right). Note the serum halo which remained after its clot had retracted as it dried. Some of the scourge wound serum halos are barely visible to the unaided eye[49] and others are only visible under a microscope in ultraviolet light[50]. Each of the 100-plus scourge wounds has a tiny dried blood clot with a retraction serum halo! As has every other of the hundreds, if not thousands, of clotted blood bloodstains on the Shroud have a near-invisible retraction serum halo[51]!]

• Smudged scourge wounds on the man's upper back and shoulders consistent with him having carried a crossbeam (see above)[52].

Problem for the forgery theory. See previous three: #34, #35 & #36.
• Where did the medieval forger obtain his detailed and accurate information about first-century Roman scourging? Not from the Gospels. As the late theologian Bishop John A.T. Robinson (1919–83) pointed out:

"... no forger starting, as he inevitably would, from the details of the Gospels ... would have created the shroud we have"[53].
Robinson wasn't saying the Shroud is inconsistent with the Gospels[54], only that there isn't enough information in the Gospels for a medieval forger to derive the Shroud details (including scourging) from them. Here is all that the Gospels record of the actual scourging of Jesus:
"Then he [Pilate] released for them Barabbas, and having scourged Jesus, delivered him to be crucified" (Mt 27:26).

"So Pilate, wishing to satisfy the crowd, released for them Barabbas, and having scourged Jesus, he delivered him to be crucified" (Mk 15:15).
• Specifically, where did the medieval forger get his detailed and accurate information about a first century Roman flagrum with dumbbell-shaped lead balls? Not from books:
"And where did he [the medieval forrger] get the knowledge of a flagrum? Constantine the Great [r. 306–33] had outlawed crucifixion. In the Middle Ages, there were no dictionaries describing Greek and Roman artifacts. There were no books written about crucifixion in those days; that type of archeological research and the analysis of artifacts came along with the scientific years of the Nineteenth Century. The only libraries in the Middle Ages were in great church centers, and the books were pretty well confined to religious matters. In fact, it can truly be said that nobody knew anything about the details of crucifixion until the research activated by the photograph of the Shroud of Turin"[55].
Nor from Roman art or artifacts. The only contemporary depictions of ancient Roman flagrums (as far as I am aware) were of gladiators fighting and those flagrums were sharp and designed to cut (see below), not blunt and designed to cause internal bleeding as on the Shroud (see above).

[Left (enlarge)[56]. A Roman gladiator wielding a sharp flagrum on a denarius coin minted in 112-113 BC by Titus Didius (-89 BC).]

• A medieval forger in depicting the scourge wounds would need a modern knowledge of the physiology of blood clot retraction and would have to produce images of serum rings and scratches that are only obviously evident under ultraviolet light[57]. In doing so, the medieval forger would need to have anticipated the discovery by Johann Wilhelm Ritter (1776–1810) of ultraviolet light in 1801[58]!

• A forger would have to depict the intricate details found on each of the 100-plus scourge wounds, when many of these details would have been invisible to him, and if he got just one of these invisible details wrong, it would have betrayed his work as a forgery[59].

• In fact, so accurate are the scourge wounds that the modern science of goniometry can calculate back along their path to determine how the scourger(s) "placed himself behind his victim, how high he held his hand," etc:

"Goniometry is the science of calculating angles, that is, for instance, enabling the direction of fire of a rifle to be calculated from the path of a bullet through a victim's body. The Shroud whip marks spread from the tops of the shoulders to the lower reaches of the calves, in places extending to the front of the body, in an astonishingly convincing-looking distribution pattern. From horizontal across the loins they fan upward over the upper back, crisscross over the shoulders, and fan downward on the thighs and calves. If the work of a forger, he has taken the care to think out exactly how the whipmaster swung this way and that, how he placed himself behind his victim, how high he held his hand, yet all so subtly conveyed that the marks are hardly visible on the Shroud itself, and can only properly be followed on the photographic negative"[60].
• Because the Shroud bloodstains are of human blood[61] and the blood was on the cloth before the image[62], the forger would have had to paint the wounds, including each of the 100-plus scourge wounds, with human blood without the image to guide him[63]. Such a feat, requiring microscopic work 300 years before the invention of the microscope[64], would be more miraculous than the Shroud being authentic[65]!

• The Shroud's scourge wounds are dramatically different from any depiction of the dead or dying Christ from the Middle Ages[66]. The vast majority of these don't depict any scourge marks at all[67]. When rarely in medieval art Jesus is shown bleeding from the scourging it is always crude and unreal-istic[68]. Even the fifteenth-century artist Jean Colombe (c. 1430- 93), who knew the Shroud, was unable to reproduce in his "Man of Sorrows" (1485-86) [Right (enlarge)[69]], the Shroud's convincing pattern of scourge marks[70].

Conclusion Each of the 100-plus scourge wounds on the Shroud has a tiny blood clot, complete with a serum retraction halo, which was unknown in the Middle Ages. And some of those halos are only visible under ultraviolet light, which also was unknown in the Middle Ages. This is as understandable a refutation of the Shroud forgery theory that there could be. How could a forger depict what he couldn't see? And if he could, why would he? Or consider the maths of a forger depicting each of 100 scourge wounds (ignoring the rest of the Shroud). If he spent 1 hour on each one, that would be 100 hours or 4.2 days non-stop without eating or sleeping! If he worked 16 hours a day, allowing 8 hours for eating and sleeping, at 1 hour for each of 100 scourge wounds, it would take him 6.25 days! At half an hour each, that would still take him 3.2 days. Why would a forger do that, even if he could? It is telling that, of those sceptics who claim to have replicated the Shroud, not one of them has attempted to depict even one of the 100-plus scourge wounds on the Shroudman's body!

1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of it (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date and a hyperlink back to this page. [return]
2. Barnes, A.S., 1934, "The Holy Shroud of Turin," Burns Oates & Washbourne: London, pp.34-35; Barbet, P., 1953, "A Doctor at Calvary," [1950], Earl of Wicklow, transl., Image Books: Garden City NY, Reprinted, 1963, pp.91-92; McNair, P., "The Shroud and History: fantasy, fake or fact?," in Jennings, P., ed., 1978, "Face to Face with the Turin Shroud ," Mayhew-McCrimmon: Great Wakering UK, p.23; Wilson, I., 1979, "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus?," [1978], Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, pp.47-48; Adams, F.O., 1982, "Sindon: A Layman's Guide to the Shroud of Turin," Synergy Books: Tempe AZ, pp.69-70; Cruz, J.C., 1984, "Relics: The Shroud of Turin, the True Cross, the Blood of Januarius. ..: History, Mysticism, and the Catholic Church," Our Sunday Visitor: Huntington IN, p.50; Borkan, M., 1995, "Ecce Homo?: Science and the Authenticity of the Turin Shroud," Vertices, Duke University, Vol. X, No. 2, Winter, pp.18-51, 34; Morgan, R.H., 1980, "Perpetual Miracle: Secrets of the Holy Shroud of Turin by an Eye Witness," Runciman Press: Manly NSW, Australia, pp.89-90; Stevenson, K.E. & Habermas, G.R., 1981, "Verdict on the Shroud: Evidence for the Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ," Servant Books: Ann Arbor MI, p.44; Wilson, I., 1986, "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, p.31; Stevenson, K.E. & Habermas, G.R., 1990, "The Shroud and the Controversy," Thomas Nelson Publishers: Nashville TN, p.85; Petrosillo, O. & Marinelli, E., 1996, "The Enigma of the Shroud: A Challenge to Science," Scerri, L.J., transl., Publishers Enterprises Group: Malta, pp.234-227; Iannone, J.C., 1998, "The Mystery of the Shroud of Turin: New Scientific Evidence," St Pauls: Staten Island NY, pp.52-54; Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, pp.32-33, 42; Ruffin, C.B., 1999, "The Shroud of Turin: The Most Up-To-Date Analysis of All the Facts Regarding the Church's Controversial Relic," Our Sunday Visitor: Huntington IN, pp.34-26; Guerrera, V., 2001, "The Shroud of Turin: A Case for Authenticity," TAN: Rockford IL, pp.37-38; Oxley, M., 2010, "The Challenge of the Shroud: History, Science and the Shroud of Turin," AuthorHouse: Milton Keynes UK, pp.134, 172-173; Wilson, I., 2010, "The Shroud: The 2000-Year-Old Mystery Solved," Bantam Press: London, pp.45-46. [return]
3. Weaver, K.F., 1980, "Science Seeks to Solve ... The Mystery of the Shroud," National Geographic, Vol. 157, June, p.740. [return]
4. Stevenson & Habermas, 1981, p.44; Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, pp.84-85; Iannone, 1998, p.52; Guerrera, 2001, pp.37-38. [return]
5. Green, J.P., Sr., ed., 1986, "The Interlinear Bible: One Volume Edition," [1976], Hendrickson Publishers: Peabody MA, Second edition, pp.765 & 784. [return]
6. Bauer, W., Arndt, W.F., Gingrich, F.W. & Danker, F.W., 1979, "A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature," University of Chicago Press: Chicago IL, Second edition, p.865. [return]
7. Green, 1986, pp.815 & 838. [return]
8. Bulst, W., 1957, "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, p.48; Iannone, 1998, p.52; Ruffin, 1999, p.41; Bennett, 2001, p.122; Oxley, 2010, p.161 . [return]
9. Bulst, 1957, p.48; Ruffin, 1999, p.42; Oxley, 2010, p.161. [return]
10. Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, p.85. [return]
11. Ruffin, 1999, p.41; Oxley, 2010, p161. [return]
11. Stevenson & Habermas, 1981, p.44; Oxley, 2010, p.42. [return]
12. Antonacci, 2000, p.120; Zugibe, F.T., 2005, "The Crucifixion of Jesus: A Forensic Inquiry," M. Evans & Co.: New York NY, pp.47-48. [return]
15. Barbet, 1953, p.72; Wuenschel, E.A., 1954, "Self-Portrait of Christ: The Holy Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Esopus NY, Third printing, 1961, p.45; Bulst, 1957, p.79; Guscin, M., 1998, "The Oviedo Cloth," Lutterworth Press: Cambridge UK, p.36; Iannone, 1998, pp.79-80; Antonacci, 2000, p.117; Zugibe, 2005, p.25; Tribbe, F.C., 2006, "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, p.67. [return]
16. Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, p.90. [return]
17. de Wesselow, T., 2012, "The Sign: The Shroud of Turin and the Secret of the Resurrection," Viking: London, p.122. [return]
18. Bucklin, R., 1970, "The Legal and Medical Aspects of the Trial and Death of Christ," Medicine, Science and the Law, January; Borkan, 1995, p.25; Tribbe, 2006, p.60; Oxley, 2010, p.172; de Wesselow, 2012, p.123. [return]
19. Barnes, 1934, p.34; McNair, 1978, p.23; Wilson, 1986, p.31; Zugibe, F.T., 1988, "The Cross and the Shroud: A Medical Enquiry into the Crucifixion," [1982], Paragon House: New York NY, Revised edition, p.18; Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, p.85; Borkan, 1995, p.34; Wilson, 1998, pp.32, 42; Ruffin, 1999, pp.34-26; Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY, p.100; Oxley, 2010, p.172; Wilson, I., 2010, p.45; de Wesselow, 2012, p.122. [return]
20. Extract from Latendresse, M., 2010, "Shroud Scope: Durante 2002: Vertical," Rotated 180°, [return]
21. Iannone, 1998, p.53; de Wesselow, 2012, p.122. [return]
22. Wilson, I. & Schwortz, B., 2000, "The Turin Shroud: The Illustrated Evidence," Michael O'Mara Books: London, p.56; de Wesselow, 2012, p.144. [return]
23. Vignon, P., 1939, "Le Saint Suaire de Turin: Devant La Science, L'archéologie, L'histoire, L'iconographie, La Logique," Masson et Cie. Éditeurs: Paris, Second edition, p.56. [return]
24. Wilson, 1979, p.48; Iannone, 1998, p.53; Antonacci, 2000, p.100; de Wesselow, 2012, p.122. [return]
25. "Herculaneum," Wikipedia, 23 December 2021. [return]
26. Barbet, 1953, pp.91-92; Wilson, 1979, pp.47-48; Morgan, 1980, p.90; Borkan, 1995, p.34; Iannone, 1998, pp.52-53; Antonacci, 2000, p.100; Guerrera, 2001, pp.37-38; Zugibe, 2005, p.19; Oxley, 2010, p.134; Wilson, I., 2010, p.45; de Wesselow, T., 2012, "The Sign: The Shroud of Turin and the Secret of the Resurrection," Viking: London, pp.122-123. [return]
27. Borkan, 1995, p.34; Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, p.85. [return]
28. Iannone, 1998, p.53. [return]
29. Iannone, 1998, p.53. [return]
30. Ricci, G., "Historical, Medical and Physical Study of the Holy Shroud," in Stevenson, K.E., ed., 1977, "Proceedings of the 1977 United States Conference of Research on The Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Bronx NY, p.60; Ruffin, 1999, p.26. [return]
31. Wilson, 2010, p.45. [return]
32. Stevenson & Habermas, 1981, p.44; Stevenson & Habermas, 1990, p.85; Case, T.W., 1996, "The Shroud of Turin and the C-14 Dating Fiasco," White Horse Press: Cincinnati OH, p.20; Antonacci, 2000, p.77; Guerrera, 2001, p.37; de Wesselow, 2012, p.122. [return]
33. Petrosillo & Marinelli, 1996, p.166; Guerrera, 2001, p.37. [return]
34. Bulst, 1957, p.48; Tribbe, 2006, p.60; Oxley, 2010, p.12. [return]
35. Bulst, 1957, p.48; Antonacci, 2000, p.100; Tribbe, 2006, p.60; Oxley, 2010, p.134. [return]
36. Bulst, 1957, p.48; Antonacci, 2000, p.100; Tribbe, 2006, p.60; de Wesselow, 2012, pp.122-123; Iannone, 1998, pp.53-54. [return]
37. Bulst, W., 1957, "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, p.45; Bennett, J., 2001, "Sacred Blood, Sacred Image: The Sudarium of Oviedo: New Evidence for the Authenticity of the Shroud of Turin," Ignatius Press: San Francisco CA, p.134; Oxley, 2010, p.134. [return]
38. Bulst, 1957, p.45; Bennett, 2001, p.134; Oxley, 2010, p.126. [return]
39. Bennett, 2001, p.134. [return]
40. Zugibe, 2005, p.22. [return]
41. Ricci, G., 1981, "The Holy Shroud," Center for the Study of the Passion of Christ and the Holy Shroud: Milwaukee WI, p.76. [return]
42. Wilson, 1998, p.32. [return]
43. Borkan, 1995, p.25; Petrosillo & Marinelli, 1996, p.166; Guerrera, 2001, p.81; Tribbe, 2006, p.60; Oxley, 2010, pp.172-173. [return]
44. Antonacci, 2000, p.26. [return]
45. Adler, A.D., 2000b, "Chemical and Physical Characteristics of the Bloodstains," in Adler, A.D. & Crispino, D., ed., 2002, "The Orphaned Manuscript: A Gathering of Publications on the Shroud of Turin," Effatà Editrice: Cantalupa, Italy, pp.129-138, 132; Adler, 2000c, "Chemical and Physical Aspects of the Sindonic Images," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.10-27, 14. [return]
46. Adler, 2000b, pp.131-132; Adler, 2000c, p.14; Antonacci, 2000, p.26. [return]
47. Borkan, 1995, p.27; Case, 1996, p.20. [return]
48. "Evaluation of clotted blood using direct and uv light," Kearse, K.P., 2019, "Blood clotting, serum halo rings and the bloodstains on the Shroud," Science, Theology and the Turin Shroud, International Shroud Conference, Redeemer University College, Ancaster, Ontario, Canada, August 14-17, 2019. [return]
49. de Wesselow, 2012, p.104. [return]
50. Borkan, 1995, p.27; Antonacci, 2000, p.27. [return]
51. Heller, J.H. & Adler, A.D., 1981, "A Chemical Investigation of the Shroud of Turin," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.34-57, 44; Baima-Bollone, P. & Zaca, S., 1998, "The Shroud Under the Microscope: Forensic Examination," Neame, A., transl., St Pauls: London, pp.19-20; Antonacci, 2000, p.28. [return]
52. Barnes, 1934, pp.35-36; Barbet, 1953, p.98; Cruz, 1984, 51; Borkan, 1995, p.25; Iannone, 1998, p.55. [return]
53. Robinson, J.A.T., " The Shroud of Turin and the Grave-Clothes of the Gospels," in Stevenson, 1977, pp.23-30, 23; Robinson, J.A.T., "The Shroud and the New Testament," in Jennings, 1978, pp.69-81, 69; Borkan, 1995, p.45. [return]
54. Robinson, 1977, p.23; Robinson, 1978, p.69. [return]
55. Adams, 1982, p.70. [return]
56. "Ancient Roman Republican Gladiator Denarius, 113 BC,", Inc, 2022. [return]
57. Adler, 2000c, p.14. [return]
58. Case, 1996, p.40. [return]
59. Antonacci, 2000, p.77; Oxley, 2010, p.238. [return]
60. Wilson, 1986, p.20. [return]
61. Baima Bollone, P., Jorio, M. & Massaro, A.L., 1983, "Identification of the Group of the Traces of Human Blood on the Shroud," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 6, March, pp.2-6; Heller, J.H., 1983, "Report on the Shroud of Turin," Houghton Mifflin Co: Boston MA, p.220; Scavone, D.C., 1989, "The Shroud of Turin: Opposing Viewpoints," Greenhaven Press: San Diego CA, pp.62-63; Petrosillo & Marinelli, 1996, pp.210-211; Baima-Bollone & Zaca, 1998, pp.21-22; Wilson, 1998, pp.4-5, 89-91; Antonacci, 2000, p.28; Guerrera, 2001, pp.49, 148. [return]
62. Heller, 1983, pp.202-203; Minor, M., 1990, "Shroud of Turin Manuscript Discovered By Texas Member," The Manuscript Society News, Vol. XI, No. 4, Fall, pp.117-122, 122; Borkan, 1995, p.28; Iannone, 1998, p.66; Adler, A.D., 1999, "The Nature of the Body Images on the Shroud of Turin," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.103-112, 106-107; Adler, A.D., 2000a, "The Shroud Fabric and the Body Image: Chemical and Physical Characteristics," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.113-127, 121; Adler, 2000b, pp.134-135; Adler, 2000c, p.22; Antonacci, 2000, p.79; Guerrera, 2001, p.71; Rogers, R.N., 2008, "A Chemist's Perspective on the Shroud of Turin," Lulu Press: Raleigh, NC, p.36; Oxley, 2010, pp. 239, 249; Wilson, 2010, pp.60-61; de Wesselow, 2012, p.104. [return]
63. Minor, 1990, p.122; Borkan, 1995, p.28; Guerrera, 2001, p.71; Wilson, 2010, p.61; de Wesselow, 2012, p.104. [return]
64. Minor, 1990, p.122. [return]
65. Minor, 1990, p.122. [return]
66. de Wesselow, 2012, p.123. [return]
67. de Wesselow, 2012, p.123. [return]
68. O'Rahilly, A. & Gaughan, J.A., ed., 1985, "The Crucified," Kingdom Books: Dublin, p.53; de Wesselow, 2012, p.123. [return]
69. Extract from "File:Folio 75r - The Man of Sorrows.jpg," Wikimedia Commons, 25 September 2021. [return]
70. de Wesselow, 2012, p.123. [return]

Posted 27 December 2021. Updated 12 July 2024.