[Previous: Shroud of Turin News, January-June 2025] [Next: To be advised].
This is the eleventh instalment of my long-promised "Open letter to Nature:
Were the radiocarbon dating laboratories duped by a computer hacker?" (see 22Jan25; 15Dec25; 10Febr26 & 07Mar26). It is a draft because
[Right. The signatories and abstract of the article[14Feb19].]
it will not be the actual word-processed letter that I will submit to Nature. That is because Nature might use it as an excuse to not publish it, if it has already been published on my blog. If Nature does refuse to publish my open letter, I will submit it to another scientific journal. However, I expect Nature will publish it, with a rebuttal from the laboratories, so as not to lose control of the resulting debate. When my open letter is (or is not) published by Nature or another scientific journal, I will publish it here. I will add an abstract when I have almost finished the post. I will include here on my blog photos in, and references to, my other posts, which will not be in my letter submitted to Nature, because of its limit of 6-8 pages. I will use my in-line referencing and in my actual letter convert them to sequentially numbered references. I will also then convert my references to Nature's referencing style. I would appreciate constructive criticisms in comments under this post. However, I may not agree with a comment, with an explanation why, and so not change my post in response to it.
Editor
Springer Nature
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RG24 8YJ
UK
Date
Dear Editor,
Shroud of Turin: Were the radiocarbon dating laboratories duped by a computer hacker?
On 16 February 1989, an article in Nature claimed that, “Very small samples from the Shroud of Turin have been dated by accelerator mass spectrometry in laboratories at Arizona, Oxford and Zurich ... The results provide conclusive evidence that the linen of the Shroud of Turin is mediaeval ... The age of the shroud is obtained as AD 1260-1390, with at least 95% confidence.”[DP89, 611].
Yet, Professor Christopher Ramsey, then Director of the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit, who as “C.R. Bronk” was a signatory to that article, acknowledged: “There is a lot of other evidence that suggests to many that the Shroud is older than the radiocarbon dates allow ...”[RC08].
Three items, among many, in that “lot of other evidence,” are: the Pray Codex, dated 1192-95[PCW] and the speech of Nicholas Mesarites in 1200/1201[NMW]. These prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Shroud existed at least 65 years before the earliest 1260 radiocarbon date of the Shroud[MP98, 33].
The Pray Codex is a collection of medieval manuscripts discovered in Hungary in 1770 by György Pray (1723-1801), a Hungarian librarian[FM15, 59; GPW; PCW]. The codex contains the earliest surviving prose text in the Hungarian language[BI69, 19; WI98, 145-146] and is kept in the National Széchényi Library in Budapest[WI91, 150; PCW].
The codex was prepared at Hungary's Boldva monastery between 1192 and 1195[BI69, 19; OM10, 37; PCW], but the style of its miniatures resembles art of the middle of the twelfth century[BI69, 19; WI91, 151]. The earliest, 1260, radiocarbon date of the Shroud[DP89, 611] is mid-thirteenth century.
The codex contains four pages of pen and ink drawings[BI69, 19; WI91, 150; GV01, 104; <]. The third page of those drawings has two scenes, one above the
[Left (enlarge[FHP]): Folio 28 of the Pray Codex[BI69, plate III & 109]. Wikipedia noteas=s"The images are claimed as one of the evidences against the radiocarbon 14 dating of the Shroud of Turin."[PCW].]
other[BI69, 19; OM10, 37; DT12, 178], depicting the gospel's accounts of the preparation of Jesus’ body for his burial (John 19:38-40)[DT12, 178] and of his resurrection (Mark 16:5-6)[DT12, 178], respectively.]
The likely place and date of these four drawings in the Pray Codex was in Constantinople during the reign of Hungary’s King Bela III (c. 1148-96) between 1172 and 1196[DT12, 178]. Bela had spent his youth in Constantinople from 1165 to 1172[BI69, 20; BTW] and during his reign cultural links between Hungary and the Byzantine capital were strong[DT12, 178].
The following, numbered, are what agnostic art historian Thomas de Wesselow called, “telling correspondences between the Shroud and the drawings on a single page of the Pray Codex.”[DT12, 180].
In the upper scene, 1. Jesus is full-frontally naked, unique in the 12th century[OM10, 37; DT12, 179]. His arms are crossed 2. right over left[WI79, 160; DT12, 178] 3. at the wrists[WI10, 183; DT12, 179]. Jesus’ hands, each of which 4. have four unnaturally long fingers[GV01, 105; WB06, 91] but 5. no thumbs[WI98, 146; OM10, 37], when his left hand thumb should be visible[DT12, 179], 6. cover his genitals[WS00, 114]. 7. Jesus is about to be wrapped in a double-body length burial shroud[WI10, 183-184; DT12, 178] held by, and draped around, the shoulders of three of Jesus’ male disciples[WI10, 184; DT12, 178]. Over Jesus’ right eyebrow is 8. a red mark, in the same location and orientation as the large `reversed 3’ bloodstain on the Shroud[OM10, 38; WI10, 183; DT12, 179].
In the lower scene, the tomb of Jesus is represented by a sarcophagus with an open lid[WI98, 146; DT12, 178].
The sarcophagus lid has 9. a stepped pyramid pattern representing the Shroud's herringbone twill weave[WI10, 184; DT12, 179], and 10. two diagonal zig-zag red streaks representing the bloodflows on each of the shroudman's arms[MP98, 33; SD08, 63-64]. On the sarcophagus and its lid respectively are 11. two sets of L-shaped circles, evidently representing the so-called “poker holes” on the Shroud[DT12, 180; GV01, 104].
Emerging from the lid is an empty shroud[WI91, 160; WI98, 146; OM10, ] evidently representing Jesus’ resurrection. In that small shroud is another set of tiny, barely visible, inverted L-shaped “poker holes”[WI91, 160; IJ98, 154; WI98, 146-147]. [Right. Sketch of tiny “poker holes”[WI98, 147]. This disposes of the argument that the Pray Codex's “poker holes” are "just decorative elements, as seen on the angel's wing and on various items of clothing"[PCW], because not only do the Codex's `poker holes' have their matching counterparts on the Shroud, the unknown artist who painted the Pray Codex would not likely have bothered to include this set of barely visible `poker holes' as decorative elements in his drawing.
In the fourth drawing, which depicts “Christ Enthroned,” 12. an angel is
[Left (enlarge): Folio 28v of the Pray Codex[BI69, plate IV & 109].
holding a cross with three nails extracted from it, as on the Shroud[WI95, 5]. In Jesus'right hand (actually left but apparently right, because the image is a photographic negative[SPW; STW] and therefore left-right reversed)[WI79, 29-30; AM00, 34-35] a red mark represents the nail wound in the shroudman’s wrist[WI95, 5; WI98, 146; OM10, 38 ] but in his left hand it is, as traditionally depicted, in Jesus' palm[WI98, 146]. Which means that the artist was aware of the tradition, but because on the Shroud the nail wound is in the man's right wrist[WI98, 146], while in his left hand the nail wound is covered by Jesus right hand[BR82, 8; WI98, 14], the artist drew what he saw on the Shroud[WI98, 147]! Finally, 13. a large red mark on Jesus’ right side depicts the speared-in-the-side bloodstain in that approximate location on the Shroud[LM10].
All 13 of the above features in two drawings in the Pray codex have their counterparts on the Shroud, and mostly nowhere else[DT12, 180]. The probability would be astronomical that these 13 shared features with the Shroud, scome of which are unique, could have occurred on these two drawings in the Pray Codex by chance[DT12, 178]. In science the Principle of Parsimony states that, “whenever we have different explanations of the observed data, the simplest one is preferable”[SD26] The simplest explanation for these 13 shared features between the Pray Codex and the Shroud is that an artist, in or before the 12th century, saw the Shroud in Constantinople and painted it[WI98, 147; SD00, 197], rather than 13 separate explanations.
The speech of Nicholas Mesarites in 1200/1201 Nicholas Mesarites (1163/64-1215/17)[AM19, 1] was, from 1200 to 1204, the Keeper of the Imperial relic collection in Constantinople’s Pharos Chapel[SD89a, 89; AM19, 6-7].
In his 1207 eulogy at the burial of his brother John[SD89b, 323; AM19, 134], Mesarites recounted that in 1200/1201 he had defended the chapel’s relics against a mob during a palace revolution[AF82, 27; AM19, 134; GV01, 7]. He had warned the would-be looters of the relics in the chapel[AF82, 27; SD89a, 89; SD89b, 323], including the:
“Burial sindones of Christ: these are of linen. They are of cheap and easy to find material, still smelling of myrrh, and defying destruction since they wrapped the uncircumscribed, fragrant-with-myrrh, naked body after the Passion.”[SD89b, 321].“sindones” is the plural of sindon, the Greek word translated “shroud” in the gospels (Mt 27:59; Mk 15:46; Lk 23:53)[RJ77, 24;IJ98, 80; GV01, 31]. Presumably Mesarites was referring to the Image of Edessa/Shroud[WI79, 120; IJ98, 104-105; AM00, 132-133; GV01, 2-3; WI10, 140-141] and two copies of it taken from Edessa to Constantinople in 944[AM00, 130; TF06, 24]. However, from what followed in his speech, Mesarites could only be referring to the Shroud.
“myrrh”. A large quantity of a mixture of myrrh and aloes was packed around Jesus’ body as anti-putrefacents[Jn 19:39; WI79, 57-58; AM00, 117; TF06, 66]. Traces of myrrh and aloes have been detected on the Shroud[BB00, 213; BJ01, 69; GV01, 76].
“uncircumscribed” is the Greek word aperilepton, which literally means “un-outlined”[DT12, 176]. This can only refer to the Shroud, which uniquely has no outline[BA34, 14; WI91, 155; DT12, 176].
“naked body” also can only refer to the Shroud, in which the shroudman is naked but 13th century art never depicted the crucified Jesus without at least a loincloth[DT12, 176]. Mesarites could not have known that Jesus' body was naked on a sindon unless he saw the full-length Shroud in Constantinople in 1200/1201[SD91, 196; WI98, 145].
“Passion.” “The Passion (from Latin patior 'to suffer, bear, endure') is the short final period before the death of Jesus”[PFJ]. “Jesus's Passion [is] the period of intense suffering before his death on the cross”[OM10, 157]. It includes his: beatings (Mt 26:67-68; Mk 14:65; Lk 22:63-64; Jn 18:22-23; 19:3)[WE54, 40; AM00, 119], scourging (Mt 27:26; Mk 15:15; & Jn 19:1)[AM00, 119]; crowning with thorns (Mt 27:29; Mk 15:17 & Jn 19:2)[AM00, 119; GV01, 38] and crucifixion[Mt 27:35; Mk 15:24; Lk 23:33 & Jn 19:18; RTB]. The Shroud uniquely bears all the above marks of Jesus' passion[GH96, 1; RTB].
These six descriptors uniquely identify the Shroud, in Constantinople, in 1200/1201[WI91, 154-155]. At least 59 years before the earliest 1260 radiocarbon date of the Shoud!
Together with the 13 shared features on two drawings in the 1192-95 Pray codex and the Shroud (above), the claim that, "The age of the shroud is obtained as AD 1260-1390" cannot be correct and therefore the article should be retracted.
To be continued in the twelfth instalment of this post.
Notes:
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to extract or quote from any part of it (but not the whole post), provided the extract or quote includes a reference citing my name, its title, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page. [return]
Bibliography
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AM00. Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY.
AM19. Angold, M., 2019, “Nicholas Mesarites: His Life and Works (in Translation),” Liverpool University Press: Liverpool UK..
BA34. Barnes, A.S., 1934, "The Holy Shroud of Turin," Burns Oates & Washbourne: London.
BB00. Baima Bollone, P., 2000, "The Forensic Characteristics of the Blood Marks," in SS00, 209-218.
BG84. Baima Bollone, P. & Gaglio, A., 1984, "Demonstration of Blood, Aloes and Myrrh on the Holy Shroud with Immunofluorescence Techniques," Shroud Spectrum International, No.13, December, 3-8.
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RTB. Reference(s) to be provided.
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Posted 23 April 2026. Updated 6 May 2026.









